What are some truly disturbing facts in history

The cosmos of philosophy

The Origin and End of Metaphysics pp 95-221 | Cite as

Summary

Whether and to what extent so-called philosophical thinking - at least in its western form - is directly under the influence of mythical pre-forms, will remain an open question for the time being. However, it has already been shown and will be shown several times in the future that philosophy has not eliminated the mythical interpretation of the world, but has remained embedded in it and has been stimulated by it again and again. The resemblance of the basic motifs is often so great that it is difficult to draw a sharp line and to attribute specific spiritual-historical phenomena to one or the other sphere. In some stages of development, the “Logos” stands out relatively clearly from the “Myth”, only to be largely absorbed by it in other sections.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

literature

  1. One can understand it as a sign of Near Eastern influences that the “world principle” of many pre-Socratics governs the cosmos in a thoroughly monarchical-autocratic way.Google Scholar
  2. This tendency shows inter alia. J. Burnet: Early Greek Philosophy, London 1892Google Scholar
  3. TH. Gomperz: Greek thinkers, Leipzig 1896Google Scholar
  4. P. Tannery: Pour l’histoire de la science hellène. De Thalès à Empédocle, Paris 1887Google Scholar
  5. Recently W. Nestle: Vom Mythos zum Logos, Stuttgart 1940.Google Scholar
  6. K. Joël: The origin of natural philosophy from the spirit of mysticism, Jena 1906Google Scholar
  7. F. M. Cornford: Was the Ionian philosophy scientific “Journal of Ilichenic Studies” LXII (1942), pp. 1ff.Google Scholar
  8. W. Jaeger: Paideia I, 2nd ed., Berlin 1936, p. 208 emphasizes that “an unbroken force of myth-forming intuition ... far beyond the limit at which we are accustomed to begin the realm of 'scientific' philosophy, remains effective in the teachings of the 'physicists' ... without whom we cannot understand the astonishing ideological productivity of this oldest scientific period. ”Google Scholar
  9. Gigon: The Origin of Greek Philosophy, Basel 1945, p. 118. Google Scholar
  10. H. Gomperz: Problems and Methods of Early Greek Science. “Journal of the History of Ideas” IV (1943), reprinted. in the collection of articles: “Philosophical Studies”, Boston 1953, p. 72ff. Gomperz explains there (Phil. Studies, p. 76): “To explain a phenomenon means to show that… itGoogle Scholar
  11. Translated by W. Capelle: Die Vorsokratiker, Stuttgart 1938, p. 27 (Kröners TA. 119). Google Scholar
  12. O. Gngox: Ursprung, p. 29 considers it possible that the idea of ​​the world cave or the image of the human oral cavity could stand in the background. Another biomorphic interpretation by A. Olerud: L’idée de macrocosmos et de microcosmos dans le Timée de Platon, Uppsala 1951, p. 192.Google Scholar
  13. I TH. Gomierz: Greek Thinkers, Vol. I, 3rd edition, Leipzig 1911, p. 46. Google Scholar
  14. K. Jai ,: History of ancient philosophy, Tübingen 1921, pp. 257fGoogle Scholar
  15. V. Ehrenberg: The legal idea in early Greek culture, Leipzig 1921, p. 89ff.Google Scholar
  16. W. Jaeger: Paideia I, p. 218f. - See P.-M. Scxuhl: Essai sur la formation de la pensée grecque, 2nd ed., Paris 1949, p. 192. Google Scholar
  17. K. Jo2L: History, p. 259. - H. Kelsen: Retaliation, p. 237f. 6 O. Gigon: Ursprung, pp. 86ff., 90ff.Google Scholar
  18. H. Dusts-W. Kranz: Pre-Socratic, 16. - W. Capelle Pre-Socratic, p. 102. Google Scholar
  19. H. Gomperz: Problems, p. 77: “.. it is assumed to be a fact that the shape of the earth is that of a drum three times as broad as it is high and that the distances of the stars, of the moon and of the sun from the center of the earth are in the ratio of 1: 2: 3 - not because any measurements have been made to this effect but because it is fitting that such should be the case. ”Google Scholar
  20. The thought that the divine being must be "above" all recognizability and linguistic-conceptual comprehensibility can already be found in Egyptian theology. In an Amon hymn of the XIX. Dynasty says of the god: "He is too mysterious that his majesty be disclosed, he is too great that (men) should ask about him, too powerful that he might be known" (quoted in JB Pritchard: Ancient Near Eastern Texts relating to the Old Testament, Princeton 1950, p. 368) Google Scholar
  21. W. Jaeger: Theology of the early Greek thinkers, Stuttgart 1953, p. 42. Google Scholar
  22. E. Borsacq: Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque, Heidelberg-Paris 1923, p. 500. Google Scholar
  23. s W. Kranz: Cosmos as a philosophical concept in early Greek times, “Philologus” 93 (1938), p. 430f. - ders .: Kosmos, p. 8f. Google Scholar
  24. E. Rohde: Kleine Schriften, Tübingen 1901, Vol. I, p. 226; Vol. II, p. 332. Google Scholar
  25. P.-M. Schuhl: Essai, p. 193. Google Scholar
  26. On the constitution of the concept of God on the basis of presupposed value postulates see K. Deichgräber: Xenophanes rcepi cpaivccag, “Rheinisches Museum” 87 (1938), p. 29: “The divine, demands Xenophanes, must be thought of as divine, because his essence corresponds to his dignity , it is what befits him. The predicates that God receives result from the necessity in rcpércov. To recognize the divine is to see as it has to be. ”Google Scholar
  27. O. Gimox: Ursprung, p. 186: “Here, as in general archaic language usage, the voeìv is precisely not theoretical cognition, but practical deliberation, which in the case of the deity, however, already coincides with carrying out. Thinking alone is enough for the deity to accomplish. ”Google Scholar
  28. See J. Piaget: Représentation, p. 220. See above, p. 19, note 4Google Scholar
  29. z. B. De rer. nat. I 165, 629, 1031-1037; V 187-194, 419-431.Google Scholar
  30. O. Brunner: Die olduropean Ökonomik, "Zeitschrift f. Nationalökonomie" XIII (1951/52), p. 114ff., Esp. P. 124ff.Google Scholar
  31. H. Gomperz: Problems, p. 77: “Generally speaking, the world is divine, just and beautiful; but in the concrete it is all a matter of tossing waves, clouds torn asunder, clods hitting the ground, vapors catching fire. ”Google Scholar
  32. R. Eisler, Weltenmantel, p. 608. - Cf. the myth of the world blacksmith Ilmarinen (above, p. 23). Google Scholar
  33. J. Piaget: Représentation, pp. 259ff., 308ff., Especially p. 315f. Google Scholar
  34. W. Kranz: Parable and comparison in the early Greek philosophy, "Hermes" 73 (1938), p. 102.Google Scholar
  35. W. Kranz, op. a. O., p. 107. - See K. Jok: Geschichte, p. 534. Google Scholar
  36. W. Jaeger: Theologie, p. 187. Google Scholar
  37. This idea is found above all in Empedocles (B 62, 6; also B 90, B 91). On other remnants of a sociomorphic interpretation of the world by the atomists H. Kelsen: Vergeltung, p. 251ff
  38. P. Gassendi: Syntagma philosophicum, IIa pars, 1. VI, c. XIV, quoted in P. Durn M: Aim and Structure of Physical Theories, trans. v. F. ADLER, Leipzig 1908, p. 113. Google Scholar
  39. Exaltation above need is one of the most essential “negative” predicates of the divine; see E. Norden: Agnostos Theos, p. 13f. This point of view is later used by PLOTIN as a decisive argument in the discussions about the nature of the "One." Google Scholar
  40. W. Jaeger: Theologie, p. 107ff. has clarified the religious motives of the philosophy of Parmenides in a subtle analysis under criticism of opposing views. He rightly emphasizes that the basic experience of turning to the hidden truth has its "archetype in the piety of consecrations and mysteries", that the language of the philosopher sometimes echoes the religious revival speeches and that the "philosophical school" in its origin secularized one Form of religious conventicle (p. 114). If, with regard to the lack of a personal God, he does not directly designate the “ontology” of Parmenides as theology, he speaks of a “mystery of being” (p. 125). Finally, he rightly notes that “all properties (of beings) are obtained through the negation of properties of the sensible world” (p. 124) .Google Scholar
  41. P.-M. Sgauxl: Essai, p. 285: “Parmenide emprunte la forme de son poème aux révélations mystiques.” - On the motif of the ascension in a chariot, see H. P. L’orange: Studies, pp. 101, 112, 119, 122, 126ff. inter alia Google Scholar
  42. Basically, Heraclitus' doctrine of Logos had a similar function, see below, p. 119. Google Scholar
  43. Attempt at a reconstruction in O. Gigon: Ursprung, pp. 271ff.Google Scholar
  44. W. Jaeger: Paideia I, p. 232. - The process of projection and reflection of social models is also observed by A. Vermross-Drossberg: Grundlinien der antiken Rechts- und Staatsphilosophie, Vienna 1946, p. 25. Google Scholar
  45. A good overview of the development of this problem is given by H. Welzel: Naturrecht und materiale Gerechtigkeit, Göttingen 1951.Google Scholar
  46. This becomes particularly clear in the presentation by H. Gomperz: The problem of free will, Jena 1907.Google Scholar
  47. H. Frankfort: Intellectual Adventure, p. 215. Google Scholar
  48. A. Lesxy: The Greek Tragedy, Stuttgart 1938, p. 91, 103f. Google Scholar
  49. O. Dittrich: History of Ethics, Volume I, Leipzig 1926, p. 88. Google Scholar
  50. H. Keesen: The Platonic Justice, "Kant Studies" XXXVIII (1933), p. 93.Google Scholar
  51. H. Leisegawg: Denkformen, 2nd ed., Berlin 1951, p. 450. - On the connections between idealism and work planning see also O. BAUER: Das Weltbild des Kapitalismus, in: “Der Lebige Marxismus”, Festgabe zum 70. Birthday v. K. Kautsky, Jena 1924, especially p. 410ff.Google Scholar
  52. W. Theiler: On the history of the teleological observation of nature up to Aristotle, Zurich 1925, p. 69. Google Scholar
  53. E. Pfleiderer: On the solution of the Platonic question, Freiburg 1888, p. 24. - ders .: Sokrates and Plato, Tübingen 1896, p. 233: “We have convinced ourselves of the latter (the tripartite division of the soul) that it is not actually grew on psychological ground itself, but owes its establishment essentially to a political conclusion by analogy ”; see also p. 216, note 1. Google Scholar
  54. M. Pohlenz: From Plato's Werdezeit, Berlin 1913, p. 229. Google Scholar
  55. F. M. Cornford: Psychology and Social Structure in the Republic of Plato, “Classical Quarterly” VI (1912), pp. 246ff.Google Scholar
  56. See also E. Hoff-Mann: The Greek Philosophy to Platon, Heidelberg 1951, pp. 165f. Google Scholar
  57. See A.-J. Festugier.E: Révélation, tom. IV, 2nd ed., Paris 1954, pp. 79 ff. Google Scholar
  58. Epid. VI 5, 1, see W. Nestle: Mythos, p. 215fGoogle Scholar
  59. W. Jaeger: Diocles v. Karystos, Berlin 1938, p. 51ff. Google Scholar
  60. W. Theiler: On the history of the teleological observation of nature up to Aristotle, Zurich 1925.Google Scholar
  61. H. Meyer: Nature and Art with Aristoteles, Paderborn 1919.Google Scholar
  62. L. Brunschvicg: L’expérience humaine et la causalité physique, Paris 1922, pp. 115ff., 139fGoogle Scholar
  63. See also G. v. Hertling: Matter and form and the definition of the soul in Aristoteles, Bonn 1871, p. 95. Google Scholar
  64. W. Jaeger: Aristoteles, 2nd ed., Berlin 1955, pp. 410/411, Google Scholar
  65. H. Meyer: Abendländische Weltanschauung, I. Vol., 2nd ed., Paderborn 1953, 5. 215. Google Scholar
  66. H. Meyer: Natur und Kunst, p. 67. - For the continued effect of these ideas in Thomas see A. Mitterer: The procreation of organisms, especially of humans, according to the worldview of St. Thomas v. Aquin and that of the present, Vienna 1947, pp. 27f., 155f. Google Scholar
  67. H. Meyer: Nature and Art, p. 101ff. - For the understanding of the universe as oikos among the Mesopotamians see above, p. 41, with Thomas below, p. 198. Google Scholar
  68. E. Arleth: The metaphysical foundations of Aristotelian ethics, Prague 1903, p. 55ff., Esp. P. 57. Google Scholar
  69. i H. Meyer: Natur und Kunst, pp. 83f. Google Scholar
  70. H. Kurfess: On the history of the explanation of the Aristotelian doctrine of the so-called voi; nooIrnxóç and rccc9nnx6s Diss. Tübingen 1911, pp. 13f., 17: “He (Alexander von Aphrodisias when explaining the relevant passages of Aristotle) ​​leads us in spirit into the workshop of nature and into the studio of the artist: with everything In the realm of the cosmic becomes and is, we distinguish between two elements: one represents "matter", the other the "active"; the artist causes the form to appear on the material; it therefore seems to be a consequent requirement to also accept these two elements in the Nus. ”Cf. also p. 21. Google Scholar
  71. H. Meyer: Occidental. Weltanschauung, p. 255. Google Scholar
  72. L. Brunschvicg: Experience, p. 137ff .; see Met. VIII, 1045a 33f. - Note that the logical subject is also called vnoxefizevov.Google Scholar
  73. Frgm. 16 rose. - Even if the formulation should not come directly from Aristotle, it nevertheless contains the principle of the Aristotelian - and not only the Aristotelian - doctrine of God. On the role of the postulates of perfection in the theology of Aristotle see also W. Jaeger: Aristoteles, p. 370f. and (particularly informative) J. Hessen: Platonismus und Prophetismus, Munich 1939, pp. 40ff.Google Scholar
  74. K. Elser: The teaching of Aristotle about the work of God, Münster 1893, p. 12ff. Google Scholar
  75. K. Elser, op. a. 0., p. 76f. - A. Boehm also emphasizes the lack of God's will activity in Aristotle: The religious character of the idea of ​​God examined in Aristotle, Cologne 1915, pp. 101ff. Google Scholar
  76. W. Eckstein: The ancient natural law in social-philosophical lighting, Vienna 1926, p. 90: “As 'natural', as corresponding to the generic term, appears to him (Aristotle) ​​namely that which in his opinion should be, that of moral or other demands corresponds to. This becomes clear, for example, when Aristotle speaks of a perfect nature or when he declares that the natural must be sought in what is in good condition (Pol. I, 5. 1254a 35). But from this definition it is evident, as I believe, that the derivation of the moral from the natural in Aristotelian ethics is really only an apparent one. For if he himself admits that he can only find the natural in people who are in an unspoiled state, he clearly shows that he is the criterion for the unspoiled state of this state - as well as the determination of the cppóvctLog and the arcou and cdog, which in turn To provide a measure of the moral - not from nature, but taken elsewhere. The source for this measure, however, as this passage in politics and many others in ethics show, are the prevailing moral views ... This is how Aristotle's determinations and evaluations appear positive morality as the last criterion of the natural and normal. ”Google Scholar
  77. Cf. H. Gomperz: Die Lebensaufführung der Greek Philosophen, Leipzig 1904, p. 234. On the alternative of either considering everything real as natural or constituting a concept of nature based on an already presupposed concept of norms, see M. Reding: Metaphysik der moral values , Düsseldorf 1949, p. 96. Google Scholar
  78. E. Arleth: Fundamentals, p. 58f. - A. Ross: Critique of the so-called practical knowledge, Leipzig-Copenhagen 1933, pp. 213ff. Google Scholar
  79. R. Eucken: The views of life of the great thinkers, 20th edition, Berlin 1950, p. 43. CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  80. Both theories have coexisted over the centuries and have been used as needed. For example, in Christian theology or theodicy of the Middle Ages, the theory of privation was predominant, but the model of rebellion kept breaking through. Then God was seen, for example, as a king caught up in a rebellion who uses his troops to suppress the uprising of the fallen angels. "This repression is understood from the point of view of a state instrument of power against insubordinate subjects that it is almost said of God that, if he had not used it, he would be stigmatized as a self-surrendering or cowardly ruler" (B. Vallentin: Der Engelstaat, in the commemorative publication “Ground plans and building blocks for the theory of state and history” by G. Schmoller, Berlin 1908, pp. 61f.). Google Scholar
  81. A. v. Lecoq: On Hellas' footsteps in East Turkestan, Leipzig 1926.Google Scholar
  82. F. Boll: Hellenism and Orient, in the collection of essays "Small writings on ancient astronomy", ed. v. V. Stegemann, Leipzig 1950, pp. 283ff. - ders .: Í7ber Astrologie, ibid., P. 62ff. Google Scholar
  83. I A.-J. Festugière: Révélation II, p. 345. Google Scholar
  84. s H.Meyer: Occidental. Weltanschauung I, p. 318. Google Scholar
  85. M. Pohlenz: The Stoa. History of a spiritual movement, Göttingen 1948, p. 22. Google Scholar
  86. K. Schubert: The religion of post-biblical Judaism, Vienna 1955, p. 13ff.Google Scholar
  87. Svf = Stoicorum Veterum Fragmenta, coll. H. y. Arnim, 3 vols., Leipzig 1903–1905.Google Scholar
  88. H. v. Arnim: The European philosophy of antiquity, in “General history of philosophy” in the collective work “The culture of the present” I / V, ed. y. P. Hinneberg: Leipzig 1909, p. 233. Google Scholar
  89. J. Bidnz: La cité du monde et la cité du soleil chez les Stoïciens, “Bulletin de l’Académie Royale de Belgique”, Classe des lettres, 5th series, tom. XVIII (1932), p. 244ff. Google Scholar
  90. J. Bidez, et al. a. Cit., P. 248f., Esp. P. 259: “L'idée même d'un monde gouverné par une hiérarchie de magistratures et de tribunaux célestes - avec leurs juges, leurs conseillers et leurs interprètes - est longuement développée dans un système cosmologique mis sous le nom des Chaldéens dans la compilation de Diodore de Sicile et que nous avons déjà rapproché des croyances de l'ancienne Babylonie ”and p. 251:“… ainsi Zénon vit se présenter à sa pensée, sous l'aspect d ' une cité du monde, l'ancienne conception chaldéopersique d'un gouvernement du ciel dirigé par le dieu suprême et par ses assesseurs. Une combinaison de la morale grecque avec le mysticisme oriental sembla dès lors possible, et l’astrologie fataliste de l’ancienne Chaldée fit son entrée triomphale dans la speculation philosophique des Hellènes. ” - See DIODOR II, p. 30ff. Google Scholar
  91. F. Boll: From the worldview of the Greek astrologers, in: Kleine Schriften, S. 35f. inter alia Google Scholar
  92. H. Meyer: Occidental. Weltanschauung I, p. 357. Google Scholar
  93. J. Beiez, loc. a. Cit., P. 259: “Ainsi donc, replacée dans le système stoïcien au rang qu’elle y occupa, l’idée d’un government et d’une cité du monde se rattache par une filiation certaine à l’astrolâtrie orientale. Ceux qui remontent aujourd'hui aux origines anciennes de notre droit naturel se représentent rarement, sans doute, que la loi universelle invoquée par Cicéron dans les passages bien connus de son De Legibus a été au début la loi non écrite d'une Cosmopolis sidérale de provenance chaldéo-persique. ”Google Scholar
  94. F. Cunont: The oriental religions in Roman paganism, Leipzig 1910, p. 193.Google Scholar
  95. I am following the translation of the edition by L. Coax-I. Heinemann: The works of Philos of Alexandria, 6 vols., Breslau 1909–1938, vol. I, p. 32f.Google Scholar
  96. M. Pohlenz: Stoa II, p. 52 (note on p. 88, line 2). Google Scholar
  97. K. Schindler: The stoic doctrine of the soul parts and soul faculties, especially in Panaitios and Poseidonios and their use in CICERO, Diss., Munich 1934, observes the tension between the scientific and the ethical conception of the "soul" several times. the stoics; especially pp. 50, 58f., 63, 75f., 93 and others Google Scholar
  98. H. Gomeerz: Freedom of will, p. 11 ff. - F. BILracsicu: The problem of evil in the philosophy of the west, vol. I, 2nd edition, Vienna 1955, p. 61. Google Scholar
  99. P. Barth: Die Stoa, 2nd edition, Stuttgart 1908, pp. 70ff. Google Scholar
  100. H. v. Arnim: The stoic doctrine; of fate and free will, in: Wissenschaftl. Supplement to the 18th annual report (1905) of the Philosophical Society at the University of Vienna, Leipzig 1905, p. 12 Google Scholar
  101. Translated by W. Nestle: Die Nachsokratiker, Vol. II., Jena 1923, p. 32. Google Scholar
  102. H. Jonas: Gnosis and late antique spirit, vol. I., 2nd edition, Göttingen 1954, p. 148. Google Scholar
  103. This development forms the basic theme of Volume IV of the work of Festugiere. - See E. Norden: Agnostos Theos, pp. 65ff.Google Scholar
  104. F. Thedinga: De Numenio philosopho platonico, Diss., Bonn 1875, Frgm. 36, 27, 29. Google Scholar
  105. J. Geffcken: The outcome of the Greco-Roman paganism, Heidelberg 1920, p. 47: "It does not seem impossible to me that the rapture ... downright generated Plotin's view of the very highest, still above the Nus being." Google Scholar
  106. F. Billiosrcx: Übel, p. 100 clearly shows how the concept of the “one” is constituted on the basis of postulates of value and perfection. Google Scholar
  107. The agreement with the Amon hymn quoted above (p. 101, note 2) is striking. - tjbers. n. R. Harder: Plotins Schriften, Leipzig 1930 - 1937.Google Scholar
  108. Note the opposite ideal of perfection, which was decisive for Parmenides and was defended by Origen in the time of Plotinus; See H. Heimsoeth: The six great themes of occidental metaphysics, Berlin 1922, p. 95. Google Scholar
  109. F. Heinemann: Plotin, Leipzig 1921, p. 253. Google Scholar